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Journal Article

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  • Who Takes the Japanese Threat Seriously? A Survey-Based Analysis of South Koreans’ Perceptions(Bo...

    Abstract   This study explores the factors underlying South Koreans’ negative perceptions of Japan beyond nationalism or simple partisan conflict. This paper employed the 2020 Korea Institute for National Unification survey, and statistical models revealed that the following factors are related to fundamental threat perception. First, the utility of Korean unification is associated with perceptions of the military threat posed by Japan. Second, after controlling for other predictors, this study found that younger generations were less likely to see Japan as a future military threat. Third, micro-level variables affected perception. Conservative partisans tended to perceive Japan’s military threat as stronger. Furthermore, individuals with stronger right-wing authoritarianism (RWA) were less likely to perceive Japan as a military threat. Fourth, the association between RWA and perceptions of Japan as a military threat was moderated by generation. Fifth, those who strongly disliked China were less likely to perceive a Japanese military threat, which implied that some Koreans perceive China as a legitimate challenge to Japanese military expansion. These empirical findings attest to the importance of fully considering personality traits and political orientations on a micro level, and macro changes such as the emergence of a new generation that perceives Japan differently.   For full access to the article, please visit the following site of Pacific Focus, Wiley Online Library. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/toc/19765118/2022/37/2

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  • An Analysis of North Korea’s Tourism Zone Development and Crisis Responses (Jang Young Duk, Ryu K...

      Abstract   This article analyzes North Korea’s Tourism Zone development policy, which has recently emerged as a major project of the party and the state. Focusing on the development policy, the policy purpose of North Korea’s development of the Tourism Zone and the strategy of continuing the development of the Tourism Zone even in crisis situations were analyzed. As a result of the analysis, the goal of the North Korean tourism project is, first, because it appreciates economic benefits and expected returns on overseas investment and tourism profits at a time when trade is limited due to international sanctions. Second, is the internationalization of tourism. In line with the global tourism trend, North Korea also wants to let people around the world know its status. In addition, tourism is legislated by meeting international standards and stably incorporated into the international community. Third, it is intended to contribute to the stability of the system by injecting pride in the North Korean system into the people through tourist attractions. In the end, tourism is important for stable economic income and institutional stability. In addition, tourism is important as a way to show the stability of the North Korean regime externally and to import dollars. The crisis strategy to continue the development of the Tourism Zone is also outstanding even in a crisis caused by international sanctions and border blockades. First, the tourism zone development policy is defined as an important project to carry out the party’s will by incorporating it into the five-year national economic development plan and promoting the economic promotion of speed war and self-reliance. Second, by emphasizing patriotic commitment and civic duty, it is to encourage the people to devote their personal or organizational resources to national projects such as the development of tourism zones. Third, it emphasizes that the development of tourism zones is for the welfare of the people for their cultural and emotional life and leisure.     For full access to the article, please visit the following site of the Institute of North Korean Studies, Dongguk University. http://nkstudy.com/bbs/board.php?bo_table=paper&wr_id=37     *This article is written in Korean.  

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  • Personality Cults in Turkmenistan: A Continuity between two presidents (Oh Hyeonjin, Jang Yongduk)

        Abstract   This study analyzes the factors that enabled Turkmenistan's President Berdimuhamedow to break off from former President Niyazov but successfully construct his personality cult without causing much disorder—to this end, categorized and compared Niyazov and Berdimuhamedow's personality cults, respectively. As a result, there are internal similarities and continuity between the two presidents. In particular, the continuity found in the aspect of ethnicity and religion can be seen as the reason why the people were able to accept the transition without much disorder despite the superficial differences between the discourses advocated by the two presidents.     For full access to the article, please visit the following site of http://peaceinstitute.hanyang.ac.kr/bbs/board.php?bo_table=thesis_search&wr_id=167      *This article is written in Korean.        

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  • Educational Experience of Korean Studies and Acculturation of Vietnamese International Students i...

    Abstract   This study examined the Korean studies educational experience and types of acculturation targeting Vietnamese international students in South Korea. Surveying 278 Vietnamese students, this study yielded the following results. First, Vietnamese students in Korea showed different acculturation types according to their residing time and Korean proficiency. Segregation and marginalization forms were observed among short-term residing students, and assimilation and integration were found among fluent Korean-speaking students. Second, acculturation types differed following the length of education students received before and after entering Korea. Third, the prior-entry educational experience and the length of post-entry education showed the most impact on the marginalization strategies. Fourth, Vietnamese students did not show a single form but rather various acculturation strategies according to their circumstances and residing periods.     For full access to the article, please visit the following site of Korea Citation Index (KCI). https://www.kci.go.kr/kciportal/ci/sereArticleSearch/ciSereArtiView.kci?sereArticleSearchBean.artiId=ART002844533     *This article is written in Korean.

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  • How did the Chinese in Malaysia build their multi-cultural identity? (Dasom Lee, Youngduk Jang)

      Abstract   This article analyzes the process of constructing the multi-cultural identity of the Chinese in Malaysia. The Chinese society in Malaysia has become a successful case of a settlement in a global and multi-ethnic village. They had gone through the colonial period and been exposed to several discriminatory policies of the Malaysian and Chinese governments. The colonial governments’ different racial discrimination policies and the Malaysian government's Bumiputra policy were two massive blows to the Chinese in Malaysia. Nevertheless, they have established their unique economic position to overcome a series of ordeals and adapted to Malaysian society by acquiring Malaysian nationality. After China's reform and opening-up policy, the Chinese community achieved tremendous economic wealth. Moreover, the creation of the Chinese political party penetrated deeply into Malaysian society, embellishing their socioeconomic status as a multicultural but distinguished one. The scale and intentions of the Overseas Chinese Economy in Malaysia have often been deliberately exaggerated for political purposes. However, in reality, the Chinese community of Malaysia holds a unique national identity, exerting a significant but distinguished influence on Malaysian society while preserving the national traditions and culture. In other words, living as Chinese in Malaysia, they are striving for economic unity and social development with the indigenous Malays while retaining their multi-cultural identity as Malaysian citizens.   For full access to the article, please visit the following site of Korea Citation Index (KCI). https://www.kci.go.kr/kciportal/ci/sereArticleSearch/ciSereArtiView.kci?sereArticleSearchBean.artiId=ART002839838      *This article is written in Korean.  

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  • Tracing North Korea’s A2/AD Strategy and Security Implications (Kil Joo Ban)

      Abstract   While China’s A2/AD is gaining momentum as an effective strategy to wrestle with the U.S., other states tend to follow suit by establishing their own A2/AD strategy. Meanwhile, North Korea has already adopted its tailored A2/AD which turned out constraining activities of its competitors, such as South Korea and the U.S.. North Korea’s A2 aims at preventing other states from intervening North Korea’s affairs and its scope is beyond the Korean peninsula. North’s AD focuses more on the Korean peninsula to restrain military assets of South Korea and the U.S. from being employed properly. Pyongyang classifies domains of A2/AD into three battlefields: nuclear, conventional, and cyber-electronic to make its A2/AD viable. In response, South Korea needs to take stern measures to offset North Korea’s A2/AD capabilities while making the best of an alliance with the U.S. along with this offsetting approach, Seoul should kick off its own A2/AD strategy, leading to ‘a balance of A2/AD mechanism'.     For full access to the article, please visit the following site of Peace & Democracy Institute, Korea University http://pdi.or.kr/peacestudies_list    *The article is written in Korean    

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  • Bolstering the Alliance for a Trilateralism-Based Security Strategy for South Korea in Times of U...

      Abstract   As the strategic competition between the United States and China intensifies, South Korea is facing growing pressure to chart an optimal diplomatic strategy to navigate the convoluted geopolitics and foster lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula and beyond. At this crucial juncture, this study examines multi-faceted, capacity-building measures for peace aimed at precluding Sino–US friction in the East and South China Seas from spilling over into the Korean Peninsula. This article presents a road map to stimulate and reinvigorate security cooperation among South Korea, the United States, and Japan and economic cooperation among South Korea, China, and Japan in a virtuous cycle, and by extension to craft a dialogue channel among South Korea, the United States, and China. It also puts forward a three-stage program for the evolution of the South Korea–US alliance whereby South Korea secures flexibility in its approach to China based on the robust trust of the alliance. This is to enable South Korea to assume a key role in connecting the three trilateral cooperation channels with the development of the Seoul–Washington alliance being a key driver to expand Seoul's diplomatic capacity. In the end, this study envisions a foreign policy model for South Korea that would allow the middle-power country to punch above its weight by expanding the framework of cooperative security. It aims to ultimately pursue a multilateral, common security architecture in Northeast Asia, including China, which will serve as a multilayered catalyst to promote lasting peace on the Korean Peninsula.     For full access to the article, please visit the following site of Pacific Focus, Wiley Online Library. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/toc/19765118/2022/37/1

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  • Arms Control Dialogue or Gray Zone Talks? Pitfalls of the Discourses of Denuclearization of the K...

      Abstract   What makes the schemes to address Pyongyang's nuclear program so ineffective? Aside from conventional explanations, two gray zone discourses are at play. First, the gray zone discourse of denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula has been viable since 1991. Second, another gray zone discourse of nuclear arms control with North Korea has been gathering pace recently. Gray zone discourses blur the line between North Korea and the United States regarding who should be a targeted state. How are gray zone discourses at play in the long process of negotiations and talks? Who is the most likely to win if these gray zone discourses remain intact? These blurred discourses also help North Korea become a recognized nuclear power and a normal state in an international arena. Leaving the distorted mechanism unchecked can encourage a gray zone perpetrator to seize the initiative of tackling nuclear issues, allowing North Korea to achieve a final goal of nuclearization. As part of the efforts to make gray zone discourses unfunctional, three strategic and policy remedies need to be at the forefront: making black-and-white discourses, increasing leverage to North Korea, and establishing a zero-gray-zone strategy.     For full access to the article, please visit the following site of Pacific Focus, Wiley Online Library. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/toc/19765118/2022/37/1

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  • A Sexism-based Analysis of the Seoul Mayoral By-election of 2021 (Bon Sang Koo, Jun Young Choi, J...

    Abstract This study examines the association between sexist perception and vote choices in the Seoul mayoral by-election of 2021 caused by the mayor’s sexual harassment. Employing the survey data with variables measuring the levels of modern, hostile, and benevolent sexism, the study finds the following. First, modern sexism is associated with recognizing that the conservative opposition party is considered more sexist. Second, voters with a high level of hostile sexism are negative in choosing female candidates, while benevolent sexism enhances support for the female ruling party candidate. Third, modern sexism contributes to a less negative evaluation of the liberal mayor’s performance. Lastly, the effect of sexism is moderated by ideology when voters evaluate the mayoral performance, and the association is the strongest in hostile sexism. These findings confirm that sexism is a significant variable that can explain vote choices and the mayoral approval ratings after controlling for variables associated with voting behavior and also provide implications for polarized Korean politics.       For the full access to the article, please visit the following link of  https://iews.or.kr/index.php?page=view&idx=1409&pg=1&hCode=BOARD&bo_idx=13&sfl=&stx=   *This article is written in Korean.    

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